In the last decade, Iran-China relations have entered a new and multidimensional phase. A phase that is, on the one hand, affected by the pressure of Western sanctions on Iran and, on the other hand, the result of China’s efforts to establish its global position as an all-encompassing power in the East. Meanwhile, China’s soft power in Iran has become one of the important variables in the relations between the two countries. A concept that has influenced the mentality of the Iranian people, elites, and media in addition to the political arena. <\/p>\n
The official visit of the Chinese President to Tehran in 2015, amidst severe international sanctions against Iran, is considered one of the clearest symbols of Beijing\u2019s soft power in the relations between the two countries. At a time when Iran\u2019s economy was in dire need of foreign investment, the presence of China\u2019s highest political official, accompanied by a high-ranking economic delegation, sent a clear message of Beijing\u2019s support and strategic trust to Tehran. The visit could be recorded in the public memory of Iranians as a historic moment. A moment when China stood by Iran at the height of its economic isolation. <\/p>\n
The signing of the 25-year Comprehensive Cooperation Plan between the two countries was a major step towards institutionalizing long-term, multidimensional relations. This agreement had the potential to become a symbol of strategic and forward-looking partnership in the minds of Iranians. <\/p>\n
However, this golden opportunity was not fully realized. The Iranian government at the time, which had focused its main focus on nuclear negotiations with the West, failed to exploit the diplomatic potential of this trip to form a comprehensive partnership with China. As a result, the symbolic message of this trip was not properly reflected in the media and the public. In addition, a large-scale media operation was formed by Western and Persian-speaking media outlets living in the West against the 25-year agreement. With narratives such as \u201cselling the Persian Gulf\u201d or \u201cChinese ships plundering marine resources,\u201d public opinion, instead of welcoming the strategic cooperation, was filled with doubt and concern. Much of this news lacked real credibility, but due to the lack of an effective media response from domestic institutions, it was deposited in the collective memory of the society. Ultimately, what could have become one of the successful symbols of China\u2019s soft power in Iran, remained incomplete in the minds of Iranian society due to diplomatic neglect, media weakness, and foreign propaganda attacks. <\/p>\n
One of the clearest manifestations of China\u2019s soft power in Iran was the widespread shipment of the coronavirus vaccine during the 13th government. According to official accounts, the process of sending the vaccine was accelerated by a direct contact between the presidents of the two countries. An action that directly saved thousands of Iranian lives. In contrast, Western countries refused to sell vaccines to the pro-Western government of Iran at the same time. This clear difference strengthened the image of China in the minds of the Iranian people as a friendly and reliable country. China\u2019s vaccine diplomacy has somehow filled the gap in Western medical diplomacy and has become one of Beijing\u2019s most important soft assets in Iran in recent years. <\/p>\n
This measure was effective not only on the public health level, but also played an important symbolic role. At a time when Iranian public opinion was facing anxiety and distrust of the international system, the rapid and widespread arrival of Chinese vaccines created a kind of psychological peace and a sense of international solidarity. The media, social networks, and popular narratives reflected this assistance as a sign of China\u2019s loyalty and responsibility in global crises. This led to the consolidation of Beijing\u2019s position as a reliable partner in the collective memory of Iranians. <\/p>\n
The People’s Republic of China’s firm support for Iran’s membership in important regional institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS group is considered a turning point in the multilateral diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This support not only helped to enhance Tehran’s international standing in the emerging world order, but also created a positive and trusting image of Beijing among the country’s political, economic, and academic elites. <\/p>\n
By opening the doors of these organizations to Iran, China demonstrated that, contrary to the exclusive approach of the West, it is pursuing a partnership-based and multipolar global structure. From a soft power perspective, this action was seen as a symbol of strategic companionship and mutual respect. In the near future, as the tangible economic, trade, and diplomatic benefits of these memberships become apparent\u2014including access to new markets, facilitating financial cooperation, and increasing Iran\u2019s geopolitical weight\u2014public opinion will increasingly recognize China\u2019s key role in realizing these achievements. This process will pave the way for a sustainable strengthening of Beijing\u2019s soft power in Iran and its transformation into a reliable regional partner. <\/p>\n
China’s successful mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in 1401 can be considered one of the most prominent diplomatic developments in the region in the last decade. This action not only solidified China’s position as an active, peace-loving, and reliable actor in the Middle East, but also, from the perspective of Iranian public opinion, was a clear sign of Beijing’s international influence and balancing power against Western hegemony. <\/p>\n
By acting as a mediator in one of the most complex regional conflicts, China demonstrated its ability to shape geopolitical equations and chart new paths for stability and cooperation in the region without depending on traditional power blocs. This diplomatic success was recorded in the political memory of Iranians, who attach great importance to relations with Saudi Arabia, as a positive point of constructive engagement with China and helped strengthen Beijing’s symbolic capital in Iran. <\/p>\n
The twelve-day Iran-Israel war that began on June 23, 2025 and resulted in the deaths of more than a thousand Iranian citizens, heightened public awareness of the need to strengthen Iran’s air force and defense systems, and turned the issue of strengthening Iran’s military capabilities into a national demand. In this critical situation, the urgent visit of the Iranian Defense Minister to China after the fragile ceasefire provided a strategic opportunity for Beijing to act as a reliable supporter and ally, and to present itself in the eyes of Iranian public opinion as a reliable partner in the military field. <\/p>\n
The impressive victory of the Pakistani Air Force, centered on Chinese weapons, against the Indian Air Force, which mainly used Western weapons, on May 7, 2025, was a tangible example of the effectiveness of Chinese equipment and led Iran, with the support of public opinion, to strengthen the grounds for expanding its military cooperation with China.<\/p>\n
The invitation of the Iranian president to attend a Chinese military parade after the Twelve-Day War, at a time when many Western governments had limited their relations with Tehran, also had a very positive impact on public opinion. This action showed that China stood by Iran and prevented Tehran from being diplomatically isolated. From a psychological perspective, this event imprinted an image of China as a reliable superpower and supporter of Iran in the minds of Iranian society. <\/p>\n
During the period of tightening sanctions, China became one of the most important paths to Iran\u2019s economic survival. Beijing\u2019s purchase of Iranian oil and the maintenance of informal financial transactions effectively helped to sustain the country\u2019s foreign exchange earnings. However, this cooperation was never recognized in Iranian public opinion as a source of Chinese soft power. The main reason for this was the hidden and informal nature of trade during the sanctions period. Much of this cooperation was conducted in secret to avoid secondary sanctions and there was no possibility of informing about it. This media silence prevented the true picture of China\u2019s role in the Iranian economy from becoming clear. Instead, the Western-oriented media presented a confused picture by focusing on oil discounts and negative narratives of the two countries\u2019 interactions. As a result, a potential source of soft power turned into its own opposite due to communication and media restrictions. <\/p>\n
The Tehran-North Freeway is one of the country’s important development projects, which has a special place in public opinion due to its direct connection to the daily lives of a large part of the capital’s residents. However, in the minds of many Iranians, this project is associated with the “dishonesty of Chinese companies.” Although from the perspective of Chinese contractors, the delay in the implementation of the project was mainly due to financial problems and the lack of resources from the Iranian side, in the public eye, this delay has been attributed to the “poor quality or reneging commitment of the Chinese.” <\/p>\n
If the final part of this project is implemented with the desired speed and quality, it could become a symbol of China’s technical and engineering prowess in Iran, shifting its position from a negative to a positive position in the collective memory of the people. A negative mindset created by comparing images of China’s advanced highways and huge bridges in the heart of the country’s mountains with the slow and challenging state of the Tehran-North Expressway, and clearly contradicts public expectations of technical cooperation with China. <\/p>\n
One of the biggest mental barriers among Iranians is the common perception that Chinese goods are of poor quality. This mentality is largely the result of the actions of Iranian merchants who introduced cheap and poor quality goods to the market. To change this image, China can introduce a quality classification system for its goods by investing in the media and implementing targeted advertising campaigns. Also, the cooperation of the Iranian government in limiting the import of poor quality goods can accelerate this process. <\/p>\n
One of the strategic areas for strengthening China’s soft power in Iran is investment in the media and news agencies. The active presence of Chinese media in Iran can clear up many misunderstandings, including clarifying the country’s role in purchasing Iranian oil during the sanctions era or explaining the real technical and financial reasons for delays in projects such as the Tehran-North Expressway. Establishing joint news offices, producing content in Persian, and launching media campaigns in cyberspace can make Iranian public opinion more realistic about the cooperation between the two countries. Also, using the capacity of domestic media to showcase joint projects and achievements will transform China from a “silent partner” to a “development-oriented partner.” <\/p>\n
The role of TikTok in exposing the crimes of the Zionist regime in Gaza clearly demonstrated the importance of non-Western social networks. This medium not only supported the rights of the Palestinians, but also reflected Iran\u2019s positions in the missile response to Israeli aggression – an action that was rarely seen in Western media. By liberalizing and localizing TikTok in Iran, this platform can be used as an effective tool for cultural interaction, independent information dissemination, and the promotion of local narratives. Special attention to this network, given the widespread interest of Iranian and global youth in TikTok, can be a powerful alternative to Western platforms such as Instagram and strengthen the soft power of China and Iran in the digital arena. <\/p>\n
In the past decades, Iran’s national media has indirectly contributed to increasing the soft power of East Asian countries. Japanese series such as Ocean and various animations from that country have remained in the collective memory of Iranians and have contributed significantly to creating a positive mentality and image of that country in Iran. In the last two decades, Korean series have also been widely welcomed by audiences and have played an effective role in promoting Seoul’s cultural status in Iran. China did not benefit from this unique cultural opportunity. Despite its remarkable progress in recent years, Chinese cinema, its series, and animations have had a small presence in Iranian media. Given Beijing’s enormous cultural capital and its extensive productions in historical, epic, and scientific genres, the targeted and translated entry of these works into Iranian radio and television and platforms could significantly increase China’s soft power in Iran. <\/p>\n
China\u2019s soft power in Iran has taken a variety of forms over the past decade, from vaccine diplomacy and regional mediation to cultural, media, and humanitarian investment. However, the future of this process depends on Beijing\u2019s understanding of the Iranian mindset and direct engagement with the people and elites. Increased travel between the two countries, especially business, student, and tourist trips, could lead to a natural transfer of soft power and a mutual understanding of Chinese civilization and progress. These groups\u2019 accounts of their experiences living in China, when combined with targeted media and cultural presence, could narrow the perception gap between Iranian society and Beijing\u2019s policies. Similarly, China\u2019s investment in Iranian infrastructure projects, especially in strategic areas such as the Makran and Chabahar coasts, if accompanied by a view of mutual cooperation and transparent communication, would not only reduce competitive perceptions but also become a symbol of development-oriented cooperation between the two countries. <\/p>\n
In this regard, large and high-quality projects can be registered as lasting symbols of China\u2019s technical power in the public memory of Iranians. Just as academic and cultural interaction, by holding scientific weeks and cultural exhibitions, can help strengthen China\u2019s human and civilizational image in Iran. Ultimately, the continuation and deepening of China\u2019s soft power in Iran requires a combined strategy. A strategy in which the media, academia, economy, and infrastructure work in a synergistic way. This should ultimately lead to the elevation of China\u2019s status among Iranians to a higher level; that is, \u201ca lasting intellectual and cultural partner.\u201d <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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