Maritime geopolitics and economic development
In the 21st century, maritime geopolitics has become one of the fundamental pillars of the international order. More than 80 percent of global trade is carried out by sea, and vital routes such as the Straits of Hormuz, Malacca, and Bab al-Mandeb play a key role in the transfer of energy and goods. The importance of maritime geopolitics is not limited to trade. From a security perspective, maritime superiority has always been a determining factor in the defensive and offensive capabilities of states. By investing in military fleets and maintaining naval bases far from their shores, major powers seek to secure national interests and contain geopolitical rivals. This reality has led countries to pave the way for their economic growth by investing in port infrastructure, maritime logistics, coastal special economic zones, and technologies related to the blue economy.
On the other hand, the concept of “blue economy”[1], promoted by organizations such as the World Bank and the European Union, emphasizes the sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, job creation, food security, and environmental protection. Marine renewable energy, industrial fisheries, marine biotechnology, and coastal tourism are among the emerging areas within this framework. In addition, the development of maritime transport corridors has not only facilitated international trade, but also played an effective role in the geoeconomic rearrangement of different regions of the world. In sum, the seas, as the vital arteries of the global economy and an arena for geopolitical competition, play an irreplaceable role in determining the balance of power and international security. This article explores the central question: Based on China’s sea-based development model, what operational strategies can be formulated for Iran to benefit from its maritime geopolitical advantages?
Analyzing China’s Development Pattern: From the Belt and Road Project to Maritime Power
In recent decades, the global economy has been strongly influenced by structural and geographical changes, and China, as the world’s second largest economy, has played a key role in these developments. Its continued rapid economic growth is closely linked to maritime trade, and it has designed its development strategies to focus on the seas and waterways. China’s sea-oriented development is part of its grand strategy to strengthen its position in the international system. This development, which has accelerated especially since the 2010s, has been influenced by multi-layered economic and geopolitical policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative and is defined in an effort to become the world’s preeminent maritime power. The main axis of China’s maritime strategy is the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road as part of the Belt and Road project, which aims to connect key ports around the world to China’s trade network. The plan plays a pivotal role in developing China’s trade and communication infrastructure, not only covering land and rail routes, but also a vast network of key ports such as Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka) and Djibouti, and significantly focusing on maritime routes and strategic points. The Maritime Silk Road aims to create a global trade system that links Chinese ports with ports in Asia, Africa and Europe. The country has also increased its military budget by more than 7% annually since 2000, with a particular focus on modernizing its navy. Key achievements in this area include: expanding its nuclear submarine fleet, launching aircraft carriers, and establishing naval bases abroad.
By consolidating its presence in the South China Sea, building artificial islands and deploying military equipment in the Spratly and Paracel Islands, China has effectively taken control of this strategic region. In this discussion, China’s view of the environmental and technological dimensions of marine renewable energy is very worthy of consideration and consideration. Because it is the largest producer of offshore wind energy in the world and has increased its capacity to 50 gigawatts so far (2025). By building a “submarine[2]” in 2020 that is capable of diving up to 11,000 meters, it has competed with the United States in seabed mineral exploration. But amidst these successful moves, there are also contradictions and challenges such as tension with neighbors, dependence on sea routes and environmental criticism. For example, maritime disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines and India (in the Indian Ocean) have led to the creation of anti-China alliances (such as the Quad[3]). Moreover, the Malacca dilemma highlights China’s strategic vulnerability. However, China, with its combination of hard and soft power, has established itself as an undeniable player in 21st century maritime geopolitics. Beijing’s aggressive maritime strategies, while contributing to economic growth and energy security, have also drawn backlash from Western powers and neighbors.
Iran and the Sea-Centered Development Model: Lessons for Turning Threats into Opportunities
Iran’s geopolitical location, with access to two strategic watersheds (the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman in the south, and the Caspian Sea in the north), places the country at the intersection of important north-south and east-west trade corridors. However, this unique position has not yet fully translated into a sustainable economic advantage. China’s sea-based development model, which is a smart combination of diplomacy, infrastructure investment, military power, and technology, is a valuable roadmap for Iran. This note will examine operational and localized strategies for Iran along five main axes.
1.
دیپلماسی و همکاریهای منطقهای
China’s model shows that sea-based development is not possible by investing in ports alone, but requires active diplomacy and economic networking. Iran should more actively pursue its port diplomacy. This means concluding preferential transit agreements, eliminating unnecessary customs bureaucracy, and building trust with neighboring countries and beyond. For example, strengthening the North-South International Corridor Treaty can only be achieved through trilateral cooperation between Iran, India, and Russia. Iran can host regional summits focused on connectivity and present itself as a reliable trading partner. In addition to the North-South Corridor, Iran should seriously develop the East-West Corridor. This corridor can connect Central Asia and Afghanistan to southern ports (Chabahar and Bandar Abbas) through Iran’s rail network and deliver goods to European and African markets by sea. The key to the success of these corridors is cost and time competitiveness. Iran should invest in high-speed freight rail lines and integrated logistics systems to make itself the most cost-effective and fastest transit route between Eurasia and the Indian Ocean. Meanwhile, unlike China’s aggressive approach that has led to the formation of anti-China blocs, Iran should focus on collective security. Participation in multilateral initiatives to combat piracy, human trafficking, and environmental pollution in the Persian Gulf and the Sea of Oman can build trust. Such cooperation could even pave the way for talks with Gulf states to establish a joint security partnership that ensures energy and shipping security for all.
2. Infrastructure and logistics development
China has shown that a port is only successful when it becomes an economic hub and not a simple transit point. Therefore, Iran’s port development model must go beyond dock construction. New generation free zones should be established around key ports such as Chabahar, Bandar Abbas and Anzali. These zones should include specialized industrial estates (such as petrochemicals, steel, pharmaceuticals), advanced logistics centers, research and development centers and even tourist areas. The aim is to create a complete value chain within or adjacent to the port so that goods are not only transported but also processed, packaged and exported with added value. Iran must accelerate the completion of vital rail projects such as the Chabahar-Zahedan rail line and the completion of rail lines to the western and northwestern borders. This will require national budget allocation and attracting foreign investment (such as from China) in the form of public-private partnerships, and without these connections, the southern ports will remain isolated.
3. Security and military dimensions
As China’s naval power has proven to support its economic goals, Iran needs to redefine its naval mission. The Islamic Republic of Iran’s navy must expand its ability to protect trade corridors further afield in the Gulf of Oman and even the Indian Ocean. This will require expanding its ocean-going fleet (including modern destroyers, support ships, and logistics vessels) and enhancing its long-range operational capabilities. The primary mission is to ensure the security of Iranian and allied merchant ships in these vital waterways. Iran must avoid China’s pattern in the South China Sea, which has led to tensions with its neighbors. While upholding its sovereignty, it must refrain from any unilateral aggressive action that would jeopardize energy and shipping security in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s strategy must be based on credible deterrence. This means that Iran’s military capability should be such that it makes the cost of any attack on its interests unacceptable to its enemies, without the need for provocative actions, because these actions could quickly provide alternative paths for other countries and completely remove Iran from the path of being in the corridors.
4. Maritime Economics and Technology
China has diversified its economy by investing in future maritime technologies. Iran should also broaden its view of the sea beyond transit and oil. The Sea of Oman and even the Persian Gulf are likely to host valuable mineral resources (rare metals, manganese nodules, gas reserves). Iran should compete in this emerging arena by investing in deep-sea exploration technologies (such as remote-controlled submarines and autonomous underwater vehicles) and creating specialized companies. Also, with its windy coasts, especially in the provinces of Hormozgan and Sistan and Baluchestan, Iran has enormous potential to become an offshore wind energy hub. Investment in this sector would not only help reduce pollution and diversify the energy portfolio, but also enhance Iran’s image as a leading and responsible country in terms of climate change and could pave the way for technological cooperation with Europe and East Asia.
5. Environmental considerations
Iran can learn from the environmental criticism of Chinese projects and offer a greener model of sea-based development. Iran can conduct a comprehensive assessment of the cumulative impacts on the fragile ecosystems of the Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea before implementing any major port or coastal project. This should become an unmissable legal requirement. Iranian ports should move towards green ports. This includes using solar energy for electricity, advanced waste and sewage management systems, equipping ships with shore-side electricity to reduce emissions, and using clean fuels for port machinery.
Overall, China’s model teaches Iran that maritime development is a strategic shift, not a series of scattered projects. Iran’s success depends on the smart integration of diplomacy, economics, security, and technology into a grand strategy. By learning from the strengths and weaknesses of China’s model, Iran can establish itself not as an aggressive maritime power but as a sustainable communications, trade, and energy hub at the heart of Eurasia. This position will ensure national security and prosperity not through confrontation but through connectivity and cooperation. This will require strong political will, long-term planning, and the smart absorption of capital and technology.
[1]. Blue Economy
[2]. Fendouzhe
[3]. Quad